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Mirindi was a much-feared Sergeant-Major who used to conduct regular patrols in Kigali. He was known to rough up ordinary people. The main difference between the army and the gendarmerie was that the army’s only mission was combat. An example involving the traffic police provides a succinct illustration of discriminatory behaviour. Cars with BB, CB and DB number plates couldn’t pass without parting with some money. It had a paramilitary formation: a police force with military capacity, prepared for armed intervention when called upon; and an armed force with law enforcement responsibilities.
One’s encounter with Mirindi usually ended with a beating or stint in jail or both. The gendarmes’ aggressive conduct instilled such fear into the minds of ordinary people that, according to a Nyamirambo resident, people coming to downtown Kigali avoided looking at the Kigali military barracks (Camp Kigali) in Kiyovu: “You had to tilt your head towards the side of CHK,” the Kigali University Teaching Hospital that is opposite the barracks in question. Upon assuming power, he turned and started looking to the French for tutelage. Discrimination took two forms. Sometime in 1991 two friends were arrested in two separate cars for illegal parking.
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Less than a year later, President Habyarimana also abolished the Garde Nationale and created the Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR). The next part will be published on Thursday,
The public order mission of the gendarmerie can be categorised under three themes: public order policing, securing strategic installations, and judicial policing. Chadrack who in 1991 was an 18-year old taxi conductor, demonstrates: “if you said something he (a gendarme) didn’t want to hear, you could end up with a slap.’ It seemed as if the authorities condoned the misconduct because “you wouldn’t know where to report him”. After the coup, the security sector underwent further changes. The victim would have no recourse because of fear that they might be killed.
Majority were retrenched. The FAR consisted of the Rwandan army and the National Gendarmerie, established on January 23, 1974. The first is that the banning of the National Police was part of the manoeuvres Habyarimana carried out in preparation for the coup.
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Some officers were, however, retained and absorbed into the Garde Nationale. Among other drastic changes, the coup also marked the end of Belgian influence in the security organs. “I bribed some gendarmes with a lot of money and I got a car plate of Ruhengeri Prefecture.
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It is important to recall that gendarmes tended to be recruited from the northern region. Generally, it was easy to find oneself in detention over a personal conflict or misunderstanding with someone over some small matter. Misconduct by gendarmes thrived within this context of a fearful public. The argument goes that Habyarimana anticipated resistance from officers of the National Police, at the time dominated by southerners (abanyenduga). Because Belgium identified with former President Gregoire Kayibanda’s regime, Habyarimana had started to reduce Belgian influence while still Minister of Defence. I gave them money many times, “bayanciye incuro nyishi.”. The significance of taking the Holy Communion, BK kicks off the Customer Service Week with launch of digital booth. Mr Brigadier General GOUASMIA Noureddine, Commander of the National Gendarmerie began from October 13 th, 2020, a working and inspection visit to the 5 th Regional Command of Constantine where he checked several projects for the construction and reception of infrastructure for the benefit of the National Gendarmerie. Speculation abounds as to the reasons for the drastic changes. First was on the basis of one’s ethnicity.
Inscription Concours Gendarme Royale 2020 Maroc sur recrutement.gr.ma, La Gendarmerie Royale organise un concours pour le recrutement des élèves gendarmes au titre de l’année 2020. entre le 01.07.2020 et 25.07.2020. ]]>, An illustration of FAR soldiers torturing suspected rebel sympathisers. In addition to aggression, members of the gendarmerie were corrupt and discriminated against ordinary members of the public.
They were taken to the criminal investigations department. “As a solution, I got a number plate of Ruhengeri Prefecture” said the trader who was almost closing business because of paying bribes.
According to the trader, for vehicles with BB, CB, and DB, it was virtually impossible to go past gendarmes without the driver leaving behind some money, as “there was no negotiating with them”. For the man who was retained at the police he said; “It hurt me a lot because I felt that I was being treated unfairly based on something I don’t have any control over…that hurts a lot.”. For the most part, members of the gendarmerie were detached and aloof from the population, and no efforts were made to build relations with them. They would brag about having a relative in a powerful position and would call them “to teach you a lesson (munyumvishirize)”, in what in some respects was a system of personalized justice (igitugu n’icyenewabo).
On July 5 1973, the same minister carried out a coup d’état. The gendarmerie had the combat mission under which it could be called upon to reinforce the army during times of war, and another relating broadly to public order, to ensure security of persons and their property. For Chadrack, it is striking how people take rights for granted nowadays: “people being aware of their rights, is a very recent phenomenon (abanyarwanda bajijutse vuba cyane)”. It was usually worse if the driver was a Tutsi.
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This was reflected in its dual mandate of maintaining law and order and defending the homeland.
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